An Election Day Message for Concerned Romney Supporters

An Election Day Message for Anxious Obama Supporters

Click here for Nate’s latest assessment of a 90% probability of an Obama win.

Where the Race for the Presidency Stands

As always, Nate Silver cuts through all of the conflicting poll data and screaming head spin to give a true snapshot of the race as it stands today.  Here’s an excerpt:

The term “momentum” is used very often in political coverage — but reporters and analysts seldom pause to consider what it means.

Let me tell you what I think it ought to mean: that a body in motion tends to stay in motion. That is, it ought to imply that a candidate is gaining ground in the race — and, furthermore, that he is likely to continue to gain ground.

As a thesis or prediction about how polls behave, this notion is a bit dubious, especially in general elections. In races for the United States Senate, for instance, my research suggests that a candidate who gains ground in the polls in one month (say, from August to September) is no more likely to do so during the next one (from September to October). If anything, the candidate who gains ground in the polls in one month may be more likely to lose ground the next time around.

(Where might there be clearer evidence for momentum, as I’ve defined it? In primaries, especially when there are multiple candidates in the race and voters are behaving tactically in choosing among them. But there is little evidence of it in general elections.)

The way the term “momentum” is applied in practice by the news media, however, it usually refers only to the first part of the clause — meaning simply that a candidate has been gaining ground in the polls, whether or not he might continue to do so. (I’ve used this phrasing plenty of times myself, so I have no real basis to complain about it.)

But there are other times when the notion of momentum is behind the curve — as it probably now is if applied to Mitt Romney’s polling.

Mr. Romney clearly gained ground in the polls in the week or two after the Denver debate, putting himself in a much stronger overall position in the race. However, it seems that he is no longer doing so.

Click here to read the full article.

Artur Davis: The Sneer Strategy

Joe Biden’s alternately snarling, eye-rolling, interrupting, grinning, occasionally weird performance seems to have traded off two conflicting outcomes: temporarily motivating Democrats who were unsettled by Barack Obama’s passivity in the first debate while repelling independents who got a florid reminder of just what it is they find distasteful about political combat.

But Biden unleashed revealed something about what has happened to the liberal political mood in this season. Beneath the back and forth over the quality of Obama’s economic stewardship, and the predictable jabs at the wealth and tax records of the first nominee since 1940 who has substantial private sector experience, there has been another context to this campaign, that is both retrograde and novel at the same time: namely, the left’s strategy of attack by caricature and ridicule, and the implicit worldview that conservatism is an oddball blend of plutocracy, racial resentment, sexual backwardness, and selfishness.

The backward leaning part of the theme is the resemblance to Franklin Roosevelt’s and Harry Truman’s exuberant Republican bashing, at least in the brutal depiction of the GOP agenda. But FDR’s tongue-lashing had a notable high-mindedness: the broadside in his 1936 acceptance speech about mastering the forces of greed in a second term was exquisite rhetorical theater of a kind Barack Obama as president has utterly failed to master. Moreover, the New Deal’s anti-Republican barbs were accompanied by a raft of prospective domestic legislation.

The core of the modern liberal sneer strategy, and Biden made it fairer than ever to describe it that way, is much more novel, not terribly high-flown, and not at all forward-looking. The technique unfurls itself daily behind the desks in MSNBC’s studio, where all but a select few anchors (Joe Scarborough, Chuck Todd) moderate rolling denunciations of all things Republican, without much pretense at balance, in the august editorial pages of the New York Times, which has traded in its vanishing profits as the paper of record for the mantle of intellectual enforcer of the left, and in a coherent, organized blogosphere which ritualistically strikes at every conservative pretense imaginable. Missing is any sustained rationale for what an Obama second term might look like, beyond the standard fare hike in upper income tax rates and a generalized commitment to more “investments” in conventional Democratic objectives.

The novelty is in the reversal of a generation of Democratic attempts to soften Republican/conservative opposition through persuasion. During the Clinton era, Democrats regularly sought to co-opt Republicans by shifting right on welfare and budgets, and moved back and forth between partisanship and outreach. Nor is there much trace of the feints liberals made a decade ago toward evangelicals, much less Obama’s 2004/2008 emphasis on reducing partisanship.

Spared the tactical imperative of persuading even mainstream conservatives, or crafting a legislative portfolio that could overcome gridlock, liberalism circa 2012 is largely a negative project aimed at dismissing the Right’s substantive and intellectual credibility. Nancy Pelosi’s eye-rolling at doubts about the constitutionality of the healthcare law, the establishment media’s persistent denunciations of the Tea Party as Neanderthal relics of George Wallace, the African American media’s trope that conservatism is racial backlash are all of a piece with Biden’s tactic of describing conservative economic policies as discredited claptrap.

Read the rest of…
Artur Davis: The Sneer Strategy

The RP’s Weekly Web Gems: The Politics of Media

After 80 years in print, Newsweek will cease production on paper and move to an online-only product. [Bloomberg]

Fox News matched some of the network’s ratings records with the first three Presidential debates. [THR]

With New York Times staff still at odds with management on contracts, they may begin withhold bylines and photo credits until an agreement can come together. [Romenesko]

Artur Davis: Making the Case for Conservatism

In a recent speech to the Accuracy in Media conference, “ObamaNation: A Day of Truth,” contributing RP Artur Davis had high praise for former President Ronald Reagan, saying that “Reagan took liberty and freedom, which are very imaginative concepts, and he gave them a power they had never had before.”

Speaking of the media, Davis said, “They don’t matter as much as they used to matter.  That’s just the reality.  Think about it: The New York Times—their own ombudsman says that their liberalism permeates their newsroom.  Their own ombudsman says that they treat the liberal agenda as a cause to be nurtured instead of something to be inspected or analyzed. Their own ombudsman said that.”

You can watch his full speech below, or read the transcript here:


 

Fascinating Article on George Romney

Krystal Ball advises that you check out this week’s piece from Buzz Feed Politics, “Making Mitt: The Myth Of George Romney.” Here’s an excerpt.

Everyone agrees: Mitt Romney is not like his father.

The late Michigan governor and 1968 presidential candidate George Romney is remembered as a principled man of spontaneity and candor. His example is regularly invoked by both admirers of his son’s disciplined campaign style and critics of Mitt’s back-and-forth pandering. George, it is said, told the truth about the Vietnam War before it was popular to do so, with an unfortunately worded comment about “brainwashing” by U.S. government officials that cost him the 1968 Republican presidential nomination. “Mitt learned at an impressionable age that in politics, authenticity kills,” historian Rick Perlstein wrote in Rolling Stone earlier this year. “Heeding the lesson of his father’s fall, he became a virtual parody of an inauthentic politician.”

This rejection of his father’s example, the thinking goes, is what has made Mitt a more successful presidential candidate — self-controlled but hard to pin down, flipping from moderate to conservative to moderate once again. It is observed that Mitt would never draw a line in the sand like his father did in 1964, when George dramatically “charged out of the 1964 Republican National Convention over the party’s foot-dragging on civil rights,” as the Boston Globe’s authoritative biography, “The Real Romney,” put it earlier this year. Outlets from the New York Times to the New Republic have recalled this story of the elder Romney’s stand against Goldwater’s hard-line conservatives. Frontline’s documentary “The Choice 2012” reported it as a formative event: “when Goldwater received the nomination, Mitt saw his father angrily storm out.” A Google search for the incident produces hundreds of pages of results. In August, Washington Postcolumnist E.J. Dionne cited the episode to write that Mitt “has seemed more a politician who would do whatever it took to close a deal than a leader driven by conviction and commitment. This is a problem George Romney never had.”

Only George Romney did not walk out of the 1964 Republican National Convention. He stayed until the very end, formally seconding Goldwater’s eventual nomination and later standing by while an actual walkout took place. He left the convention holding open the possibility of endorsing Goldwater and then, after a unity summit in Hershey, Pennsylvania, momentarily endorsed the Arizona senator. Then he changed his mind while his top aides polled “all-white and race-conscious” Michigan communities for a “secret” white backlash vote against LBJ’s civil rights advances — a backlash that might have made a Goldwater endorsement palatable at home. Finding the Republican label even more unpopular than civil rights in Michigan, Romney ultimately distanced himself from the entire party, including his own moderate Republican allies.

Exactly where the 1964 myth entered the public consciousness is difficult to pinpoint, but it has been promoted by Mitt, who made one of its earliest print mentions in an interview during his 1994 U.S. Senate campaign. (Romney’s longtime spokesman Eric Fehrnstrom did not respond to an inquiry about Mitt’s recollection of the incident.) “[My father] walked out of the Republican National Convention in 1964, when Barry Goldwater said, ‘Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice,'” he told Bay Windows, a LGBT interest magazine in Boston.

Click here to read the full article.

Zac Byer: Prix Fixe Politics — The Second Presidential Debate

Good morning from Las Vegas, and welcome to another edition of Prix Fixe Politics!  I’m on my way out of town, but spent last night with 23 undecided voters, 18 of whom voted for Obama in 2008.  After the debate, only five of the 23 committed to voting for the President again on November 6th.  Still, I’m skeptical to believe there will be any significant movement in the polls after the town hall.  For a quick look at why, here is today’s menu:

Appetizer:  First, neither Obama nor Romney have that “Bubba Touch.”  I’m not talking about some dish at the shrimp restaurant — I’m talking about Bill Clinton.  Love him or hate him, you have to admit that the man could connect emotionally no matter the situation, and no matter the American.  Obama’s a gifted rhetorician, but he isn’t the people person like the Democratic president that came before him.  And Romney…well, there’s a litany of socioeconomic and demographic jokes that have been made about Romney’s potential interactions with the undecided “typical American” voters at the town hall.  Regardless, neither candidate was going to score the bonus points that come not in the words of the answer, but in the empathy of the answering.  And, sure enough, neither did.  They spent more time trying to talk over each other than to listen to the concerns of the audience.  Yes, Obama showed more life than he did in the Denver debate, but Romney matched him closely.  I wish one of them had actually taken the time to ask one of the questioners a follow-up.  After all, we’re the ones pulling the levers the first week of November.

Main Course: It’s a tried and true analogy now — sports and politics.  Think about a sporting event you may have attended or watched between two teams to which you had no particular allegiance.  Sure, we all love a good underdog; but, most of us in that situation (and in all other win/lose horse race scenarios) like to be connected to the winner.  I think most of us, Democrat or Republican, can agree Romney won the first debate.  The polls confirm as much, with the undecideds breaking toward the Governor in the last 10 days.  But because this second debate was, and will be covered as, a draw (or a margin of error victory for Obama at the most), I expect the remaining undecideds to stay on the sideline and wait for the third and final debate next week.  This one will be squeezed largely into irrelevance.  As U2 and Linda Ronstadt sing, “everybody loves a winner”…and tonight’s debate left us lacking.

Read the rest of…
Zac Byer: Prix Fixe Politics — The Second Presidential Debate

The RP’s Weekly Web Gems: The Politics of Media

Could a presidential debate ever be held without first a debate over the moderator? No. Now, CNN’s Candy Crowley is receiving criticism because of comments she made alluding to how she will handle her role in tomorrow night’s town hall debate at Hofstra University. [Politico] The New York Times has a nice piece on who is Candy Crowley. [NYT]

More than 51 million people tuned in for the head-to-head meeting of Vice President Biden and Congressman Paul Ryan at Centre College last week. 18 million more watched the ’08 matchup between Biden and Sarah Palin. [WaPo]

‘Today’ viewers aren’t happy. So unhappy that many are switching off the Peacock Network at 7 a.m. [AP]

David Carr of the New York Times writes that last week doesn’t help your case if you believe the media is biased. [NYT]

Rod Jetton: How Todd Akin Won

All throughout 2012 Missouri’s U.S. Senate race was garnering significant attention because of its implications on the outcome of the majority, but after Congressman Akin’s offensive comment on rape he has became a talking point to all political commentators, a joke to average citizens around the water cooler, and a lightning rod of sensitivity to those who have suffered rape.

Many national political observers are asking, “How did this guy get elected in Missouri?”  His rise from an unnoticed conservative backbencher in the minority Missouri state legislature to the Republican U.S. Senate nominee is not that complicated.

Akin is not that well liked by the establishment of the Missouri Republican Party and has never been respected by party leaders and other elected republicans.  You probably expect all Republicans to say that after his comment, but as a former Republican leader who is now out of the party I can tell you Akin never did much to help other Republicans.

Sure, most politicians take care of themselves first, but usually they do something to play ball and help the “team,” but not Todd Akin. He never needed the help of the party to win any of his primaries, and they never respected him so he never lifted a finger to help anyone unless it helped advance his principles (something hardcore conservatives admire him for).

My point is not to bash Todd Akin, he is a patriotic American whose son’s serve in the military (U.S. Marines!) and I have no doubts about his genuine commitment to our country and its founding principles.  He is a hardcore conservative and proved it when he was one of the few Republicans to vote against President Bush’s Medicare expansion for prescription drugs.  He has a wonderful family that anyone would be proud of and he sticks with what he believes.  He also avoids negative campaigning which attracts many of his supporters. I have always said, “If you want a conservative who will vote no on everything then Todd Akin is your man.  He doesn’t get many reforms passed or change things but he can always be counted on to cut spending and vote no.”

Read the rest of…
Rod Jetton: How Todd Akin Won

The Recovering Politician Bookstore

     

The RP on The Daily Show